Accordingly, Alan Taylor in his article “20 years since the Bosnian War” portrayed that the world has failed to prevent such atrocities that occurred in Bosnia during the civil war and referred it as “ethnic cleansing” rather than “genocide”. International power as well as the United- Nations accelerated their move in order to ensure that this crisis not transform into a broader European conflict, especially one that could threaten the peace or undermine the transition of former communist states to peaceful democracies. Initially, the United States until the 1995 refused to take part of the crisis that ravaged the country, and some intellectuals demonstrated that the reason behind that act was they had no major interest. They resisted to sending their own troops, and also vetoed Security Council drafts resolutions to increase the number of UN peacekeepers. During his campaign, Bill Clinton criticized the Bush administration for their lack of action, but when he was elected in 1992; his administration followed the same pattern. Moreover, in 1995, American foreign policy toward Bosnia changed. Not only evidence of the atrocities being committed, including those at Srebrenica was becoming common knowledge, their lack of action was an embarrassment but also if the situation was not controlled it would threaten their security interest in Europe. President Clinton told his national security advisers that the wars were killing the US position of strength in the war and he did not want failure in Bosnia to tarnish his chance at re-election. Despite all the efforts to keep Americans troops out of Europe, he eventually realized that there was no effective way to end the war without it. Further, the United Nations was hesitant to directly fight the Bosnian Serbs from the beginning of the conflict for fear of threatening their neutrality between nations and groups. Hence, this consisted as journalists explained their principal point throughout the crisis. They have not succeeded to respond to the war after Serbs forces took the town of Zepa, in addition to dropping a bomb in a crowded Sarajevo market. Senior representatives of the US and its allies agreed to deploy NATO forces to Gorazde and defend the town’s civilian population. This plan was later extended to include some others cities namely Bihac, Sarajevo and Tuzla. In August 1995, after the Serbs refused to comply with a UN ultimatum, NATO forces in conjunction with Bosnian and Croatian forces began an aerial bombing campaign. With Serbia’s economy crippled by the UN sanctions and its military forces under assault in Bosnia after three years of warfare, Milosevic agreed to enter negotiations that led to a ceasefire. By the end of the war, roughly 100.000 people had died. It was in this context that November 1995; the Dayton Accords were signed in Dayton, Ohio, officially ending the war in Bosnia. This peace agreement established two semi-autonomous entities within Bosnia-Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, inhabited primarily by Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, and the Republic Srpska (which includes Srebrenica), dominated by Serbs, both with their own political structures, economies, and educational systems, though connected through a central government. Refugees were guaranteed the right to return to their pre-war homes, but only a small number of Bosniaks opted to go back to Srebrenica, which had been re-inhabited by Bosnian Serbs who had also been internally displaced by the war. An influx of international assistance came after the fighting, including reconstruction efforts by non-governmental organizations, UN agencies, and foreign governments and militaries and over $14 billion in aid. In all honesty, the Dayton Accords were successful in stopping the violence and allowing the region to create some form of normality, but it has turned out to be a somewhat of band-aid solution that set the stage for further divisions between Bosnia’s ethnic groups. For instance, Bosnia has a three-member presidency requiring one Croat, one Bosniaks, and one Serb to represent their constituencies, but because each member is able to veto legislation that is seen as threatening to his own group’s interests, it has been nearly impossible to come to consensus for most of the important issues at the central-government level. Furthermore, this type of system still excludes other minority groups in the country such as the Roma and Jews. The fact is that the Dayton Accords were not meant to be a long-term solution to the problems of the country; they were meant to stop the killing and secure peace. Eventually they were supposed to be replaced with a more streamlined government structure. The hope was that in working together and creating a unified Bosnian identity, the mistrust between ethnic groups would fall away, this has not been the case. Though they may live side-by-side, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs essentially lead segregated lives. People identify themselves through their ethnicity rather than their citizenship. The legacy of the Dayton Accords is evident within Bosnia-Herzegovina, as its economic development has lagged behind its Balkan counterparts. Unemployment remains a problem for a large portion of the country, and corruption is very prevalent. The country is currently trying to join the European Union, but a failure on the part of Serb, Bosniaks, and Croat leaders to agree on details for a reform program have delayed their application for membership.